Suchergebnisse

The Welfare State´s construction in capitalist of democratic countries the post-World War II European must be understood as part of a modernizing process of societies. The Welfare State created by European democracies is therefore distinguished from authoritarian, fascist, or communist state models. The corporatist Estado Novo, which was in force in Portugal between 1933 and 1974, assumed a kind of third way capable of overcoming the liberal and socialist models of social protection. Compared with those achieved by Welfare State countries, the Portuguese Corporatist Social Security model failed in all its dimensions (education, health, social security). Portugal in the post-World War II, was unable to disconnect itself from a conservative, authoritarian and retro-grade ideology and, despite having an economic growth never seen before, it remained deprived of two of the main engines of social modernization of the 'golden age of capitalism' : political democracy and the Welfare State model. This was only to take place on 25 April 1974. Very late, three decades late, and at a time when the Welfare State was beginning to fall victim to its own success.

The Welfare State´s construction in capitalist of democratic countries the post-World War II European must be understood as part of a modernizing process of societies. The Welfare State created by European democracies is therefore distinguished from authoritarian, fascist, or communist state models. The corporatist Estado Novo, which was in force in Portugal between 1933 and 1974, assumed a kind of third way capable of overcoming the liberal and socialist models of social protection. Compared with those achieved by Welfare State countries, the Portuguese Corporatist Social Security model failed in all its dimensions (education, health, social security). Portugal in the post-World War II, was unable to disconnect itself from a conservative, authoritarian and retro-grade ideology and, despite having an economic growth never seen before, it remained deprived of two of the main engines of social modernization of the 'golden age of capitalism' : political democracy and the Welfare State model. This was only to take place on 25 April 1974. Very late, three decades late, and at a time when the Welfare State was beginning to fall victim to its own success.

La société moderne tend à faire du social un champ spécifique contrôlé par un appareil techno-professionnel. La sociologie des professions d'une part, l'approche néo-corporatiste d'autre part, permettent de comprendre la genèse de ce champ et d'analyser les caractéristiques d'un tel système de gestion du social. Mais elles permettent difficilement de saisir la crise que connaît actuellement le social parce que l'analyse de la professionnalisation et le néo-corporatisme demeurent à l'intérieur d'une vision de la société dominée par ses producteurs.

Discusses new types of economic development policies, variously called 'demand side' policies, industrial policy, or interventionist policy, as well as the political and economic changes in states which led to their consideration. Outlines the business capture hypothesis and the meso-corporatist hypothesis. Shows that the meso-corporatist model provides a better account of industrial policy. (Abstract amended)

Evolution of industrial policy during the 1980s; US. How changes in interest groups' dominance and state governance patterns facilitated the adoption of innovative economic development policies.

PROPONENTS OF INDUSTRIAL POLICY OFTEN ADVOCATE ESTABLISHING CORPORATIST POLICY MAKING MECHANISMS AS AN APPROACH TO FORMULATING ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT POLICY. UTILIZING DATA FROM STATEWIDE TELEPHONE SURVEYS, THIS ARTICLE ANALYZES THE FAILURE OF CORPORATIST POLICY MAKING TO GENERATE PUBLIC SUPPORT IN A REFERENDUM ON AN INDUSTRIAL POLICY PLAN IN RHODE ISLAND. THE STUDY TESTS THREE PROPOSITIONS FROM THE INDUSTRIAL POLICY LITERATURE AND FINDS THAT SUCH POLICY MAKING (1) DID NOT PRODUCE POLICIES WHICH APPEALED TO THE PUBLIC'S CONCERN FOR OTHERS, (2) DID NOT DEFLECT PUBLIC CYNICISM TOWARD GOVERNMENT, AND (3) DID NOT TRANSLATE AN ELITE CONSENSUS INTO MASS SUPPORT FOR INDUSTRIAL POLICY PROPOSALS.

This study suggests that the state in African countries should be viewed as grappling with problems of managing society within the context of underdevelopment, a task that is increasingly becoming more difficult given the recurring economic crises on the continent. Politics of corporatist organization thus become an attractive option for the state to express its authority and attempt to legitimize its existence. (DSE)

"The modern Chinese state has traditionally affected every major aspect of domestic society. With the growing liberalization of the economy, coupled with increasingly complex social issues, there is a belief that the state is retreating from an array of social problems from health to the environment. Yet, a survey of China's contemporary political landscape today reveals not only a central state which plays an active role in managing social problems, but also new state actors at the local level which are increasingly seeking to partner with various non-governmental organizations or social associations. This book looks at how NGOs, social organizations, business associations, trade unions, and religious associations interact with the state, and explores how social actors have negotiated the influence of the state at both national and local levels. It further examines how a corporatist understanding of state-society relations can be reformulated, as old and new social stakeholders play a greater role in managing contemporary social issues. The book goes on to chart the differences in how the state behaves locally and centrally, and finally discusses the future direction of the corporatist state. Drawing on a range of sources from recent fieldwork and the latest data, this timely collection will appeal to students and scholars working in the fields of Chinese politics, Chinese economics and Chinese society"--

"The modern Chinese state has traditionally affected every major aspect of domestic society. With the growing liberalization of the economy, coupled with increasingly complex social issues, there is a belief that the state is retreating from an array of social problems from health to the environment. Yet, a survey of China's contemporary political landscape today reveals not only a central state which plays an active role in managing social problems, but also new state actors at the local level which are increasingly seeking to partner with various non-governmental organizations or social associations. This book looks at how NGOs, social organizations, business associations, trade unions, and religious associations interact with the state, and explores how social actors have negotiated the influence of the state at both national and local levels. It further examines how a corporatist understanding of state-society relations can be reformulated, as old and new social stakeholders play a greater role in managing contemporary social issues. The book goes on to chart the differences in how the state behaves locally and centrally, and finally discusses the future direction of the corporatist state. Drawing on a range of sources from recent fieldwork and the latest data, this timely collection will appeal to students and scholars working in the fields of Chinese politics, Chinese economics and Chinese society."

The European Commission's Green and White papers on Social Policy try to promote social security as a precondition of the further success of the European integration. A Euro pean Social Policy is seen as an important con tribution to improve the public acceptance of the European Integration. The article starts with an analysis of the political effectiveness and limitations of this argument. A closer analysis shows that the proposals in the Green and White papers are not entirely clear. They vacillate between supporting full employment and introducing a basic security system. This can be seen as a first reason for the particular selective European Social Policy which is pre dicted in the article. The analysis of the main socio-political actors on the European level underpins this prediction. The important role of the social partners - as targeted in the Green and White papers - combined with the absence of a functioning central political actor (anal ogous to the state on the national level) will result in a specific kind of selectivity, which produces a relatively poor socio-political out put on the European level.